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2      การประชุมวิชาการ
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                     when inequality is at middling levels. Ansell and Samuels (2014) claim that
                     income inequality is more likely to promote democratization. Houle (2009)

                     suggests that inequality harms consolidation but has no net effect on
                     democratization. Democratic transition and consolidation in South Korea and

                     Taiwan, countries with low levels of income inequality, seem consistent with the
                     view of Boix and that of Houle but inconsistent with that of Acemoglu and
                     Robinson and that of Ansell and Samuels. Democratic transition and

                     consolidation in Indonesia, Mongolia, and the Philippines, countries with high
                     levels of income inequality, seem to contradict the view of Boix as well as that

                     of Acemoglu and Robinson but are consistent with that of Ansell and Samuels
                     and that of Houle. The absence of democratic transition in Malaysia and
                     Singapore, countries with high levels of income inequality, seems consistent with

                     the view of Boix and that of Acemoglu and Robinson but appears to contradict
                     that of Ansell and Samuels. East Asia seems to offer puzzles and questions to

                     be solved.

                                                              IV

                           In connecting inequality and distributive politics, much of prior research

                     builds on the median voter theorem which emphasizes the redistributive
                     preference of the median voter (Meltzer and Richard 1981). Scholarly efforts

                     have largely been concentrated on accounting for variation in distributive
                     outcomes in affluent democracies and developing theories of distributive politics
                     in democracies (Iversen 2006). Recently there have been growing efforts to

                     understand the political consequences of income inequality, such as electoral
                     turnout, political involvement, political representation, partisan alignment, policy
        เอกสารประกอบการอภิปรายร่วมระหว่างผู้แทนจากต่างประเทศ
                     responsiveness, political polarization, and quality of governance (McCarthy et al.
                     2006; Bartels 2008; Beramendi and Anderson 2008; Solt 2008; Uslaner 2008;
                     Bermeo 2009).


                           One of the areas of research pertains to the impact of inequality on

                     support for democracy, which will be addressed here. There are political
                     economy theories linking inequality to democracy at the macro-level with

                     contrasting expectations. First, the redistribution-democracy theory assumes that
                     in unequal societies the wealthy are less supportive of democracy, especially
                     institutions of majority rule, while being less opposed to dictatorship than the
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