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                     In this context, the regime’s closest partners tend to be investors
               who are either Chinese or Chinese origin. They not only control the
               country’s key economic sectors, but they also dominate the economic
               zones and the casinos. The three Sihanoukville zones, for example, are
               entirely in the hands of Chinese nationals, while a Cambodian of
               Chinese origin controls Manhattan, in Bavet. Research has shown that
               Chinese groups tend to be dominated by “Godfather” figures, with
               family relays in major Southeast Asian and South China ports that are
               able to link trade circuits–more or less legally–to decision centers in
               Hong Kong or Taiwan.  Very influential in the Mekong region, Chinese
                                     32
               networks are completely uninterested in developing regional value
               chains, leading them to invest exclusively in assembly plants with low
               wages and unskilled, mostly women laborers or women involved in
               trafficking contraband or prostitution.
                                                  33

                     These economic patterns find considerable support at the level of
               ASEAN, due to a regional policy that focuses exclusively on the growth
               of trade cooperation, with no accompanying social policies. Because it
               concentrates entirely on developing internal markets and international
               trade and because it avoids any hint of interference in member states’
               internal affairs due to its strict policy of non-interference, ASEAN’s
               hands are tied. The organization’s overtly apolitical character ultimately
               ensures that it provides a secure environment in which local
               dictatorships are able to prosper. Indeed, as Jones argues, “ASEAN was
                                                                     34
               founded to help defend the prevailing social order”  that Acharya
               attributes to a form of “patrimonial regionalism” and that is associated
               with under-institutionalized organizations operating under a system of




                  32   Joe Studwell, Asian Godfathers: Money and Power in Hong Kong and
               Southeast Asia, New York, Grove Press, 2008
                  33   Martin Stuart-Fox, 2009 “Laos: The Chinese Connection,” Southeast Asian
               Affairs, n° 1, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009, pp. 141–169, Tan, 2011
                  34   Lee Jones, 2010, “ASEAN’S unchanged Melody ? The theory and practice of
               “non interference” in Southeast Asia’”, The Pacific Review, 23 : 4, p. 485





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