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informal rules that are linked to significant openness in terms of
commercial and financial activities.
35

For these reasons, like its maritime member-states in ASEAN, the
Mekong region is characterized by strong links to an open regional
economy that are able to prosper because of partnership agreements,
especially those involving transnational trade, transborder agreements in
the form of “growth poles,” and the special zones that developed
subsequently. Family capitalism is also an integral feature of these
36
networks. Although governments lack the desire to support the rise of
supra-national institutions that would impose constraints on them, trade
networks have the potential for encouraging the leaders of national
institutions and each other to implement change. Studies of the
37
regionalization of value chains in South Asia have emphasized the strong
link between growth--and the implication of member-states in regional
growth—and a legal framework that can take shape only in response to
pressure from industrial networks, in turn tied to foreign partners and
the automobile and electronics industries. The situation in Cambodia
38
supports this conclusion, but it is also affected by particularly strong
deregulation and an economy that can legitimately be called

35 Amitav Acharya, 2009, Constructing a Security Community in Southeast
Asia : Asean and the Problem of Regional Order, Londres, Routledge, 1re , 2001
éd.
36 Richard Stubbs, 1999, « Asean plus Three. Emerging East Asian regionalism ?”,
in Asian Survey, vol. 42, n°3, pp. 440 – 455, p. 445 Beeson, M., 2007, Regionalism
and Globalizationin East Asia. Politics, Security and Economic Development.
Palgrave
37 Helen .-E. S. Nesadurai, 2003, “Attempting Developmental Regionalism through
AFTA ; The Domestic Sources of Regional Governance” in Third World Quaterly,
vol. 24, n°2 pp. 225-253

38 Kanishka Jayasurija, “Embedded mercantilism and open regionalism: The crisis
of regional political project,” Third World Quarterly, April 2003, pp. 339–355.

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